FAMINE IS UTILIZED AS A POLITICAL TOOL IN SUDAN'S CIVIL CONFLICT

As the global community observes Gaza with indignation and apprehension, comparable strategies are being employed by both factions in Sudan’s civil war, which has now entered its third year. To suppress the local population and assert dominance over new territories, both the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) are intentionally closing down markets, obstructing supply routes, and looting humanitarian aid in broad daylight. In the areas of El Fasher, Khartoum, and Kordofan, the evidence of the deliberate violence of famine is apparent.

"We are feeding our children animal feed, and even that is running out," stated Niama Al-Haj, a displaced physician in El Fasher, North Darfur. "There’s no food, no medicine, and no escape. They are systematically starving us, one day at a time."

Since the onset of the war in April 2023, over 13 million individuals have been displaced. The only entities capable of providing some relief amidst the escalating humanitarian crisis have been community grassroots organizations known as Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs), which distribute food, provide shelter, and deliver medical services to families across the nation facing hunger, illness, and shortages of water and electricity. However, recently, even these vital sources of sustenance and hope have been stifled by bureaucratic obstacles and targeted with oppression and violence.

The origins of the conflict trace back to at least 2019, when the Sudanese populace, following months of protests, brought an end to the three-decade rule of then-president Omar al-Bashir. The citizens demanded civilian governance, accountability for historical atrocities, and state intervention to tackle pervasive poverty and inequality. A fragile civil-military power-sharing agreement was established to steer the country’s future, but in October 2021, the Sudanese military, led by Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, executed a coup d’état that dismantled the civilian-led government and reversed much of the progress made. The SAF and RSF, once allies during that coup, turned against each other in a struggle for power.

SYSTEMATIC STARVATION

The ongoing conflict represents a struggle for dominance over various regions of Sudan, with both factions resorting to violence, aerial bombardments, armed invasions, sexual violence, and the obstruction of food and humanitarian assistance as tactics. Within a few months of the onset of the civil war, aid personnel faced assaults — 19 were killed from April to August 2023 — and aid depots were subjected to theft, with the United Nations reporting extensive looting of the majority of their warehouses by May.

Dr. Al-Haj stated that the circumstances have deteriorated to such an extent that even individuals with financial means are unable to procure food.

Malnutrition is prevalent, particularly among children, and the majority of health services have collapsed. The childhoods of El Fasher have been lost before they even commenced. "We are witnessing the deterioration of children's bodies right before our eyes," she stated.

El Fasher remains the only significant city in Darfur still under the control of the SAF, prompting the RSF to besiege it, encircling the city and severing main roads that are crucial for food and aid supplies.

"The situation is dire, and even essential medications are prohibited. We have encountered arrests and gunfire while attempting to deliver supplies. This represents a deliberate strangulation of the city, a systematic campaign that jeopardizes every life here," Al-Haj remarked.

Since January, the RSF has intensified its artillery attacks on the city, where daily life has ground to a halt. Last month, the Foreign Ministry accused the RSF of looting a U.N. World Food Program aid convoy in North Darfur just days after it was shelled near the town of Al-Kuma, en route to El Fasher. At least five WFP staff members lost their lives in the assault.

Khalid Abdallah, a humanitarian volunteer, informed Truthdig that volunteers and activist groups nationwide have initiated a national campaign titled Save El Fasher, Aid El Fasher, to raise awareness of the escalating humanitarian crisis and the prolonged military siege that has persisted for over two years. On social media, activists are utilizing the hashtag الفاشر_تموت_جوعا# (El Fasher is dying of hunger) and #AlFashir_is_starving, while locals discuss the "worst" wave of "systematic starvation" that Sudan has faced in decades. "We are perishing from hunger ... death is surrounding us," they express.

Blockades and assaults on food and aid are also occurring throughout the rest of the country. "Aid convoys have been attacked, looted, and obstructed across various states, including Khartoum, Kordofan, and Darfur, and these intentional assaults on humanitarian access have plunged Sudan into one of the most severe hunger crises in the world," Abdalla noted.

The Nuba Mountains, located in the South Kordofan state, are under the control of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North. Consequently, both the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have launched attacks on the region and obstructed relief operations. Last year, the IPC Famine Review Committee officially declared a famine in this area.

As reported by the World Food Program, 24.6 million individuals in Sudan are experiencing acute hunger, with 2 million people either facing famine or at risk of it.

"Unless we gain access and resources to assist those in need, tens of thousands more will perish in Sudan during a third year of conflict," stated Shaun Hugues, the U.N. WFP regional emergency coordinator, during a press conference in April. He emphasized the urgent need for immediate measures to avert widespread starvation. However, months later, such actions have yet to be taken, and the international community remains predominantly silent.

ATTACKS ON GRASSROOTS AID EFFORTS

Sudanese humanitarian volunteers, who have been vital during the conflict, are now encountering violent assaults and bureaucratic hurdles in their efforts. ERR volunteers are increasingly being targeted, detained, and killed while providing assistance.

In May, shortly after the SAF expelled the RSF from Khartoum and proclaimed victory in the capital, the city government enacted a decree placing the ERRs under the jurisdiction of the Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC), an organization closely linked to Sudan’s Islamist networks. This action effectively criminalized the ERRs that chose to remain independent.

"Typically, Emergency Response Rooms prioritize the fundamental principles of humanitarian assistance and the requirements of local communities over political interests," stated Muzan Ali, a volunteer with the ERR in Khartoum, during an interview with Truthdig. Nevertheless, this emphasis may inadvertently expose governmental deficiencies or neglect, leading to the ERRs being viewed as entities that challenge governmental authority and promote community empowerment independent of state influence, Ali elaborated.

"The government, which is under military rule, along with the [HAC], opposes the presence of ERRs and any potential affiliations they might have with international supporters — a stance that is deeply entrenched in the long-standing dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir," she remarked.

Currently, numerous communal kitchens have ceased providing daily meals due to the lack of donations reaching the HAC, Ali noted, adding that the registration processes for ERRs and volunteers are excessively bureaucratic. She mentioned that her ERR has dispatched three volunteers to initiate the registration process, but the HAC "is delaying and requesting us to wait longer. However, those who are hungry cannot afford to wait."

The ERRs may also be perceived as a threat due to their origins in the uprising against al-Bashir. They have united youth from resistance committees, civil society organizations, skilled professionals, medical practitioners, and engineers specializing in water and electricity.

"We initiated the mobilization of extensive youth networks that had been established following the December Revolution (2018) and during the response to COVID-19," stated Mohamed Satti, a member of the Khartoum State Emergency Room, in an interview with Truthdig. Although these networks initially had limited objectives, "following the onset of war, we broadened their focus to address the escalating demands of this crisis."

"We created a straightforward, efficient structure to minimize bureaucracy and facilitate action," Satti remarked, expressing concern over how the current government is hindering these efforts.

Women, in particular, have been instrumental in the Emergency Response Rooms (ERRs), participating in both mixed and women-led groups. Nour Mahadi, a member of a women’s ERR, indicated that their primary motivation was to find a means of survival amidst the destruction of war.

"In the very first month of the conflict, the East Nile Khartoum Women’s Emergency Room was formed under exceedingly challenging circumstances in a region controlled by the Rapid Support Forces. Women’s ERRs offer a range of services, including support for soup kitchens, safe spaces for women and children, and essential health care for the ill and injured," she explained.

These women-led initiatives also seek to document and address gender-based violence in conflict areas, thereby increasing awareness of sexual violence during wartime, both for civilians and for women volunteers working in besieged regions. This movement embodies hope, propelled by Sudanese women who are actively defending themselves, even as their own rights face assault.